From WeChat groups to parenting fora and online shopping, the work of parenting in the digital age is falling almost entirely on women.
从微信群到育儿论坛和网上购物，数字时代的育儿工作几乎完全落在了女性身上。
"Online parent-teacher groups are my ‘pain points,’" Yun explained. “I’m in dozens of online parent-teacher groups. Whenever my children enroll in an extracurricular activity, I have to join a parent-teacher group (for that activity).”
“网上家校群是我的‘痛点’，”云解释道。“我加入了几十个在线家校小组。每当我的孩子报名参加课外活动时，我都必须加入这样的小组（参加该活动）。”
“My husband never joins these groups. We have a clear division of labor on this. I am responsible for all online communication with teachers.”
“我丈夫从不加入这些群。我们在这方面有明确的分工。我负责与老师的所有在线交流。”
My research team and I interviewed Yun in 2022, part of a three-year investigation of parenting practices in Shenzhen, the coastal city of Xiamen, and Tai’an, in the eastern province of Shandong. One of the things that struck me was just how deeply digital technology has become intertwined with parenting. While physical care, emotional care, and child discipline continue to make up the bulk of parental duties, the penetration of digital technologies and media into the daily lives of Chinese parents is generating a new form of parenting.
2022年，我和我的研究团队采访了云，这是对沿海城市厦门深圳和山东省泰安的育儿实践进行的为期三年的调查的一部分。让我印象深刻的一件事是，数字技术与子女养育已关系紧密。虽然身体护理、情感护理和儿童管教仍然是父母职责的主要组成部分，但数字技术和媒体对中国父母日常生活的渗透正在产生一种新的育儿方式。
Like previous forms of domestic labor, digital parenting is a gendered activity. Although technology is stereotypically regarded as a masculine domain, with men perceived as uniquely skilled at using digital technologies, my interviews suggest this norm doesn’t carry over into the parenting realm. Yun’s experience is representative: As parenting shifts online, mothers are being asked to do more, not less.
像以前的家务劳动形式一样，数字育儿是一种性别化的活动。虽然技术被刻板地认为是男性的领域，男性被认为在使用数字技术方面有独特的技能，但我的采访表明，这种规范并没有延续到育儿领域。小云的经历很有代表性：随着养育孩子的方式在网上的转变，母亲被要求做更多，而不是更少。
For example, mothers are more proactive than fathers in searching for, filtering, and sharing parenting information online. They subscribe to parenting blogs, join parenting fora or chat groups, and search for childrearing information on Baidu and the Instagram-like Xiaohongshu.
例如，在网上搜索、过滤和分享育儿信息方面，母亲比父亲更积极主动。他们订阅育儿博客，加入育儿论坛或聊天群，并在百度和类似小红书的Instagram上搜索育儿信息。
The mothers I interviewed found online child care information helpful in solving specific problems in their lives and in boosting their overall knowledge of childrearing practices. Mei, a mother in Tai’an, told us: “They (parenting blogs) change your mindset when it comes to child care.”
我采访的母亲们发现，在线育儿信息有助于解决她们生活中的特定问题，并提高她们对育儿实践的整体认识。梅是泰安的一位母亲，她告诉我们：“他们（育儿博客）会改变你在育儿方面的思维定式。”
Another characteristic of digital parenting is the necessity of staying in constant communication with teachers. Parent-teacher groups on messaging apps like WeChat or QQ are common. For the mothers of school-aged children I interviewed, checking their messages in these parent-teacher groups had become a daily task: a way of getting updates on their children and keeping abreast of homework and school activities.
数字育儿的另一个特点是必须与老师保持持续的沟通。微信或QQ等消息应用上的家长教师群很常见。对于我采访的学龄儿童的母亲来说，在这些家长教师群中查看她们的信息已经成为一项日常任务：一种了解孩子最新情况、了解家庭作业和学校活动的方式。
Fang, a mother in Shenzhen, detailed her routine: “I am responsible for maintaining contact with teachers. We have a parent-teacher group, and teachers post exam information and comments on students’ performance in the group. I also actively contact the teachers outside the group to ask them about my son’s performance.”
深圳的母亲芳详细介绍了她的日常生活：“我负责与老师保持联系。我们有一个家校群，老师在群里发布考试信息和对学生表现的评价。我还积极联系未在群里的老师，询问他们我儿子的表现。”
Many mothers in my study reported collaborating with teachers on numerous tasks related to their children’s education. “In the parent-teacher WeChat or QQ groups, we receive notices all the time, telling us to work with teachers to educate our children at home, sign some forms sent by the school, or pay fees online,” Fang explained. “I need to pay a lot of attention to it. It takes up my time.”
在我的研究中，许多母亲表示与老师合作完成了许多与孩子教育有关的工作。"在家长-教师微信群或QQ群里，我们经常收到通知，告诉我们要和老师一起在家里教育孩子，签署学校发来的一些表格，或者在网上缴费，"Fang解释说。"我需要对其进行大量的关注。它占用了我的时间。"
Another, often overlooked aspect of digital parenting is online shopping. Although digital marketplaces can be convenient, the mothers we spoke to spent a lot of time selecting high-quality products for their children. Before making a purchase, they might compare the prices of various options, evaluate the reliability and reputations of online shops, and read through consumer reviews.
数字育儿的另一个经常被忽视的方面是网上购物。尽管数字市场可能很方便，但我们采访过的母亲们花了很多时间为孩子选择高质量的产品。在购买之前，他们可能会比较各种选择的价格，评估网上商店的可靠性和声誉，并阅读消费者的评论。
Fathers, on the other hand, seldom engage in any of this labor. For example, Mei’s husband “never reads (parenting information online).” Many fathers in my study defined aspects of online parenting such as searching for childrearing tips or online shopping as “feminine interests” and assumed that their wives enjoyed performing these chores. As men, fathers emphasized their work responsibilities to excuse their limited involvement in digital parenting. Qiang, a father in the southeastern city of Xiamen, explained: “Their mother has more leisure time. She visits parenting fora or joins mom groups online. She cares more about this kind of information. I seldom look for child care information because I am busy with work.”
另一方面，父亲很少从事这种劳动。例如，梅的丈夫“从不在网上阅读（育儿信息）。”在我的研究中，许多父亲将网上育儿的各个方面（如搜索育儿技巧或网上购物）定义为“女性兴趣”，并认为他们的妻子喜欢做这些家务。作为男性，父亲们强调自己的工作责任，为自己在数字育儿方面的有限参与开脱。强是厦门的一位父亲，他解释道：“母亲有更多的空闲时间。她会访问育儿论坛或在线加入妈妈群。她更关心这类信息。我很少查找育儿信息，因为我忙于工作。”
Many fathers likened their status in online parent-teacher groups to “lurking.” Mothers, fathers, and teachers all seemed to agree that it was more appropriate for mothers to manage online communication with the school. (Teaching is itself a highly gendered profession in China, especially at the kindergarten and elementary levels.) Some fathers defended their lack of engagement by stressing the role of mothers as a liaison between family and schools. “Any communications with teachers are handled by my wife,” said Dong, a father in Shenzhen. “She uses WeChat and QQ to chat with teachers. If necessary, she’ll call them. I seldom get involved.”
许多父亲将自己在在线家长教师群中的地位比作“潜水”。母亲、父亲和老师似乎都同意，母亲管理与学校的在线沟通更合适。（在中国，教学本身就是一个高度性别化的职业，尤其是在幼儿园和小学。）一些父亲为自己缺乏参与辩护，强调母亲是家庭和学校之间的联络人。“与老师的任何沟通都由我妻子处理，”深圳的父亲董说。“她用微信和QQ和老师聊天。如果有必要，她会打电话给他们。我很少参与。”
While mothers, fathers, and even teachers referenced gendered stereotypes of mothers as the primary caregivers and fathers as breadwinners to explain the gendered nature of digital parenting, we found the rise of this new form of labor may actually be deepening the gendered division of labor within households. By blurring the boundaries between child care, work, and entertainment, digital technology renders the work mothers put into child care even more invisible and allows husbands to write off their wives’ labor as easy, even enjoyable.
虽然母亲、父亲甚至教师都借用母亲是主要照顾者、父亲是养家糊口者的性别刻板印象来解释数字育儿的性别本质，但我们发现，这种新劳动形式的兴起实际上可能正在加深家庭内部的性别分工。通过模糊儿童保育、工作和娱乐之间的界限，数字技术使母亲在儿童保育方面投入的工作变得更加无形，并使丈夫可以轻松甚至愉快地忽视妻子的劳动。
Few fathers acknowledged the possibility that their wives might be under increased pressure due to the need to constantly respond to new information and messages related to their children’s care. In contrast to stereotypes about digital liberation, digital parenting calls attention to the role technology can play in oppressing and exploiting women.
很少有父亲承认他们的妻子可能会因为需要不断回应与照顾孩子有关的新信息和消息而承受更大的压力。与有关数字解放的定型观念相反，数字育儿要求人们注意技术在压迫和剥削妇女方面可能发挥的作用。
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